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美国的全球主导地位正在终结:接下来会发生什么?

(2023-07-05 08:12:26) 下一个

美国的全球主导地位正在终结:接下来会发生什么?


https://www.cigionline.org/articles/americas-global-dominance-is-ending-what-comes-next/

丹尼尔·阿拉亚 2022 年 10 月 5 日

多极秩序中的全球化将越来越有利于区域自治和界定新的权力平衡的斗争。

2009 年 11 月 10 日,阿拉巴马州 Bayou La Batre 的一个墓地里可以看到一面破烂的美国国旗。(Carlos Barria/REUTERS)

牛津历史学家彼得·弗兰科潘表示,我们正在目睹全球秩序的瓦解。 在一个以西方金融危机、全球冠状病毒大流行、欧洲战争、政府债务增加和发达民主国家政治不稳定为标志的历史时期,西方时代正在走向终结。 事实上,一段时间以来,全球秩序一直在稳步走向“后美国世界”或“后西方世界”。 这一转变的核心是中国的崛起和多极体系的出现。
虽然我们已经习惯于从自由民主和西方主导的多边主义的角度来思考全球化,但多极秩序内的全球化将越来越有利于区域自治和定义新的权力平衡的斗争。 总的来说,中国、印度、俄罗斯、土耳其、伊朗、印度尼西亚、沙特阿拉伯和巴西正在成为松散耦合的全球体系中的地区大国。

显而易见的是,我们正处于一个过渡期,这段历史时期连接着由西方国家主导的日渐衰落的工业时代和由中国崛起和庞大的亚洲贸易体系支撑的新数字时代。 自第二次世界大战结束以来,美国的主导地位一直依赖于庞大的美国军队监督下的联盟网络。 但是,正如美国研究人员亚历山大·库利和丹尼尔·尼克森所解释的那样,世界正在退出美国的霸权。 随着美国主导的秩序逐渐结束,西方对全球体系的影响力将会减弱。

竞争性多边主义
权力分配的快速转变使全球体系从冷战时期的两极秩序(1945年至1989年)转变为“美帝国”的单极秩序(1989年至2008年),再到当前以中国崛起为代表的多极秩序 。 中国与其他新兴经济体之间关系的深化以及亚洲作为世界贸易中心的崛起正在重塑全球力量平衡。 随着亚洲回归到“大航海时代”之前繁荣的商业和文化交流模式,一个新的历史时期正在形成。

未来几十年,人工智能、机器人、量子计算、6G(第六代)电信、基因工程、可再生能源和纳米技术等前沿技术将成为竞争性多极秩序的基本组成部分。 这个未来包括硬实力外交和资源竞争的回归。 中国对世界供应链日益增强的主导地位和俄罗斯的地区野心共同标志着“竞争性多边主义”的新时代。

许多西方国家坚持 1945 年后的布雷顿森林体系,而中国政府正在将世界重新构想为一个由供应链和贸易动脉组成的单一复杂网络。 在世界各地大宗商品的推动下,中国现已成为全球经济的基石和全球化的主要引擎。 随着国家主导的巨大产能继续聚焦前沿技术,其取代美国成为世界重心的力量将会增强。 事实上,利用这种“岩土技术”转变是中国的大战略。

需要新的维旺迪模式

在美国,与中国争夺美国主导地位的竞争已成为国家政策的主要驱动力。 从政治上讲,这包括希望继续充当世界警察,利用其庞大的军队来管理冲突。 从经济上讲,这包括保持世界最大市场的愿望,支持全球化。 在文化上,这包括渴望保持在思想的中心,推动世界的想象力、价值观和文化交流。 这一切似乎都不可能继续下去。

在新兴经济体中,中国主导的全球化已经开始取代美国的“基于规则的秩序”。 这体现在区域全面经济伙伴关系协定、亚洲基础设施投资银行、上海合作组织、欧亚经济联盟、全面且先进的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定、亚洲基础设施新开发银行等多边机构的崛起。 巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非(金砖国家)。 通过利用这一多边机构体系,中国将扩大其影响范围,使力量平衡向有利于其的方向倾斜。

除了政治混乱之外,气候事件也开始加速全球人口结构的变化。 美国地理学家帕拉格·卡纳表示,气候灾难将迫使印度次大陆、东南亚、中非、西亚和中美洲的数百万难民前往其他地方寻求生活。 加拿大、斯堪的纳维亚半岛和俄罗斯的老龄化和人口稀少的北部地区将不可避免地成为大量人口躲避干旱、洪水和野火的目的地。

驾驭这个新的多极体系将是艰巨的。 过去一个世纪,联合国、世界贸易组织、世界银行等多边机构一直是西方主导的全球化的支柱。 但新兴经济体日益增长的影响力现在需要适当的代表性。 改革联合国系统以反映这些变化对于维护全球稳定至关重要。

所有这些都表明需要新一代的多边协调。 在西方,多边主义常常被等同于捍卫“自由国际秩序”——这一术语由国际关系学者约翰·伊肯伯里在 20 世纪 90 年代创造。 但面对经济、技术和生态的破坏,多边治理将越来越多地受到相互竞争的利益的影响。 显然,西方对领导权的垄断已不再可能。 随着地缘政治竞争加剧地区竞争,多边合作将变得越来越不稳定。 需要一种新的权宜之计。

本文/多媒体中表达的观点是作者的观点,并不一定反映 CIGI 或其董事会的观点。

关于作者
丹尼尔·阿拉亚
Daniel Araya 是 CIGI 高级研究员、世界法律峰会高级合伙人,也是对人工智能、技术政策和治理特别感兴趣的顾问和顾问。

 

America's Global Dominance Is Ending: What Comes Next?

https://www.cigionline.org/articles/americas-global-dominance-is-ending-what-comes-next/

Daniel Araya  October 5, 2022

Globalization within a multipolar order will increasingly favour regional autonomy and a struggle to define a new balance of power.

 
flag
A tattered American flag is seen at a cemetery in Bayou La Batre, Alabama, November 10, 2009. (Carlos Barria/REUTERS)
 
According to Oxford historian Peter Frankopan, we are witnessing the unravelling of the global order. In a period of history marked by a Western financial crisis, a global coronavirus pandemic, war in Europe, rising government debt and political instability across advanced democracies, the Western era is winding down. Indeed, the global order has been steadily moving toward a “post-American World” or “post-Western World” for some time. At the heart of this shift is the rise of China and the emergence of a multipolar system.

While we have grown used to thinking of globalization in terms of liberal democracy and Western-led multilateralism, globalization within a multipolar order will increasingly favour regional autonomy and a struggle to define a new balance of power. Taken together, China, India, Russia, Turkey, Iran, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and Brazil are becoming regional powers within a loosely coupled global system.

What is clear is that we are living through an interregnum — a period in history that bridges a fading industrial era dominated by Western countries and a new digital era underwritten by the rise of China and a vast Asian trading system. Since the end of the Second World War, American predominance has depended on a network of alliances overseen by a sprawling US military. But, as American researchers Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon explain, the world is exiting US hegemony. As the US-led order winds down, Western influence over the global system will wane.

Competitive Multilateralism

Rapid shifts in the distribution of power have transformed the global system from the bipolar order of the Cold War (1945 to 1989) to the unipolar order of “American empire” (1989 to 2008) to the current multipolar order typified by the rise of China. Deepening ties between China and other emerging economies and the rise of Asia as the centre of world trade are reshaping the global balance of power. As Asia returns to the patterns of commerce and cultural exchange that thrived before the “age of exploration,” a new period of history is taking shape.

In the decades ahead, frontier technologies including artificial intelligence, robotics, quantum computing, 6G (sixth-generation) telecommunications, genetic engineering, renewables and nanotechnology will be the basic building blocks of a competitive multipolar order. This future includes a return to hard-power diplomacy and the competition for resources. Together, China’s increasing dominance over the world’s supply chains and Russia’s regional ambitions mark a new period of “competitive multilateralism.”

Where many Western countries cling to the post-1945 Bretton Woods system, China’s government is reimagining the world as a single complex network of supply chains and trade arteries. Fuelled by commodities from around the world, China is now the keystone of the global economy and the principal engine of globalization. As the country’s immense state-led production capacity continues to focus on frontier technologies, its power to displace the United States as the world’s centre of gravity will grow. Indeed, leveraging this “geotechnological” shift is China’s grand strategy.

A New Modus Vivendi Is Needed

In the United States, competition with China in the pursuit of US primacy has become the main driver of national policy. Politically, this includes a desire to remain the world’s police, using its enormous military to manage conflict. Economically, this includes a desire to remain the world’s largest market, underwriting globalization. Culturally, this includes a desire to remain at the centre of ideas, driving the world’s imagination, values and cultural exchange. None of this seems likely going forward.

Across emerging economies, Chinese-led globalization has already begun displacing America’s “rules-based order.” This is reflected in the rise of multilateral institutions such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the Eurasian Economic Union, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the New Development Bank of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS). As it leverages this system of multilateral institutions, China will grow its sphere of influence, tipping the balance of power in its favour.

In addition to political disruption, climate events have begun accelerating changes in global demography. According to American geographer Parag Khanna, climate disasters are set to drive millions of refugees across the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, Central Africa, West Asia and Central America to seek life elsewhere. Aging and underpopulated northern regions across Canada, Scandinavia and Russia will invariably become destinations for large populations escaping drought, flooding and wildfire.

Navigating this new multipolar system will be daunting. Over the past century, multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization and the World Bank have served as pillars of Western-led globalization. But the growing weight of emerging economies now requires proper representation. Reforming the UN system to reflect these changes will be critical to maintaining global stability.

All of which suggests the need for a new generation of multilateral coordination. In the West, multilateralism is often equated with defending the “liberal international order” — a term coined by international relations scholar John Ikenberry in the 1990s. But in the face of economic, technological and ecological disruption, multilateral governance will increasingly be shaped by competing interests. It’s clear that a Western monopoly on leadership is no longer possible. As geopolitical rivalry fuels regional competition, multilateral cooperation will become increasingly precarious. A new modus vivendi is needed.

The opinions expressed in this article/multimedia are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIGI or its Board of Directors.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Daniel Araya is a CIGI senior fellow, a senior partner with the World Legal Summit, and a consultant and an adviser with a special interest in artificial intelligence, technology policy and governance.

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